End killings, abuses, HRW asks Indian BSF

Rights watchdog Human Rights Watch (HRW) has asked the Indian government to carry out investigations into fresh allegations of killings, torture and other abuses by its Border Security Force (BSF) on Bangladesh border.

Saying that killings and severe abuses continue to take place despite India’s stated commitment to abide by international principles and exercise restraint at the border, the New York-based organisation asked the Indian government to ensure prosecution of those found guilty of such crimes.

In December last year, a HRW report titled ‘Trigger Happy’ prompted the Indian authorities to announce steps to stop killings at the border, including the use of rubber bullets instead of more lethal ammunition, a HRW news release said Monday.

The report outlined extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, torture and mistreatment of both Bangladeshi and Indian nationals by the BSF over the past decade. Although there has been a significant decline in the number of deaths caused by shootings at the border this year, at least 17 Bangladeshis have allegedly been killed by BSF soldiers since January, according to Odhikar, a Bangladeshi non-governmental organisation.

Local groups documented several cases of deaths as a result of severe beatings by BSF men, as well as cases of aggressive intimidation. Earlier this year, Odhikar reported two separate incidents where cattle farmers died as a result of excessive violence.

Mizanur Rahman, 25, was allegedly beaten to death by BSF men after he crossed the border into India. His body was later dumped into the Saniyazan River. The BSF also killed Rekatul Islam, 17, as he and his accomplice tried to smuggle cattle into the neighbouring country. Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director of the HRW, demanded an end to the longstanding impunity for abuses along the border.


“The [Indian] government has issued some positive new directives, but it needs to prosecute those who commit abuses so the soldiers will understand they can’t act with impunity,” she said.

The BSF is responsible for addressing illegal activities at the border, such as narcotics smuggling and human but in most cases victims were cattle rustlers, farmers, or labourers hoping to supplement their meagre livelihoods by working as couriers in the illegal cattle trade at the West Bengal border. The HRW press release concluded that Indian authorities need to do more to ensure accountability for violations committed by their border force men and to ensure compliance with international laws.

India’s human rights record makes a farce of its democracy

INDIA is a nation engrossed in confronting terrorism and suppressing intermittent local rebellions. It is also witnessing a surge in human rights violations, which the government seems to be happily lackadaisical in preventing.

The Asian Centre for Human Rights has documented a jump in cases of custodial deaths by 41.66 per cent over the last decade, including 70.72 per cent in prison and 12.60 per cent in police custody. It is indeed a paradox that the largest democracy is defiled by frequent cases of illegal detention, torture, extrajudicial execution and forced disappearances.

Moreover, nothing could be more disgraceful than the incarceration of thousands of people for political reasons in this multiparty democracy. Unfortunately, the state seems to be competing with the outlaws in trampling the basic rights of its citizens guaranteed by the Indian constitution. The common people, particularly minorities and the underprivileged, are enduring all forms of inhuman and degrading treatment at the hands of security personnel.

Mumbai-based grocer Faiz Usmani’s sudden demise during his grilling by investigating officers probing the July 13 serial bombing points to a greater malaise. Though Usmani’s brother is a suspected terrorist, ad hoc mass detention without specific charges following every major crime has become an unofficial practice.

Prakash Singh, a former director general of police and distinguished internal security expert struggling to usher in police reforms, candidly admitted to me that the ‘state has turned rapacious’, while simultaneously advocating appropriate legislative immunity in its tackling of the scourge of extremism.

Despite his admiration for the restraint displayed by Indian forces, the subaltern class—especially in underdeveloped areas—continues to face the combined wrath of militants, security agencies and state-sponsored militias. While rebels against the Indian constitution randomly exploit the poor, having no hesitation in extracting levy for a perjurious cause, the foot soldiers of the Indian state wilfully use this hapless population as human shields during counterinsurgency operations.d arm of the police show no qualms in resorting to criminal acts in insurgency-infested provinces. More inclined to treating homebred militancy as a mere law and order subject, the Indian government is adopting a carrot and stick strategy. 

Notwithstanding the rapid strides in enacting social legislation guaranteeing rural employment, the right to education, ownership of forest land for tribal people and strengthening social security of the unorganised workforce—there seems to be a reluctance to fetter the security agencies which use extralegal measures to enforce the law.

Intriguingly, the cabinet has drawn a veil over the prevention of torture bill, 2010 and is dithering over ratifying the UN convention on torture while ignoring calls from Amnesty International to ensure fair trials at international standards. Bodies such as the United Nations and the European Union have consistently voiced concern at India’s disregard for humanitarian laws. As far back as 1997, the UN human rights committee expressed its anxiety about the widespread use of torture by law enforcement agencies: ‘The EU has regularly taken up in the framework of its dialogue with India, the implementation of public order-related legislation and allegations of human rights violations,’ says Jean-Christian Rémond of the European External Action Service.

Alarmingly, India’s official human rights body—the National Human Rights Commission—has failed miserably to lead a national discourse on human rights and dignity, thus taking flak from the UN Human Rights Council. With limited resources and an enormous charter, the agency has been rendered ineffective. In a democratic framework, any extralegal activity by police undermines not only the established procedural set-up, but also the fundamentals of governance.

Sadly, such practice has infected India’s paramilitary and military units too. India’s Supreme Court has termed such authoritarian acts cowardly and unconscionable. The government must introduce appropriate reforms instead of maintaining a deafening silence. After all, the imposition of restrictive and predatory laws to contain public outcry stands as a glaring testimony to India’s abject failure to offer a proper outlet for popular grievances.

By - Seema Sengupta.

Seema Sengupta is a Kolkata-based independent journalist and recipient of National Award

for Excellence rendered in appreciation of excellent services in the field of

freelance journalism.

The Norwegian Crusade 1107 –1110

The Norwegian Crusade was a crusade that lasted from 1107 to 1110, in the outcome of the First Crusade, by the advance of the Norwegian king Sigurd I. Sigurd was the first European king to ever go on crusade to the Holy Land, and not one argue during the crusade was abandoned. The Norwegian crusade seems to have acted out very alike to ahead Viking raids, however the Norwegians' critical aims were more noble this time.

Sigurd and his men sailed from Norway in the autumn of 1107 with sixty ships and perhaps around 5,000 men. In the autumn he indoors in England, where Henry I was king. Sigurd and his men stayed there all the chill, awaiting the spring of 1108 when they again set sail westwards.

After numerous months they came to the city of St. James (Jakobsland) in Galicia (Galizuland) where they were permitted by a citizen lord to adjourn for the winter. However when the winter came there was a shortcoming of food, which made the lord decline to advertise food and cargo to the Norwegians. Sigurd then gathered his militia, attacked the lord's castle and looted what they could there.

During the journey the Norwegians encountered a great bandit ("viking") fleet of galleys which were seeking peaceful trading-ships to rob. However, Sigurd set his course arranged for the pirates and stormed their ships. After a abrupt time all the pirates had been also slain or escaped, and Sigurd acquired eight ships from them.

After this they came to a castle in Muslim Al-Andalus called Sintra (Sintre - award day Sintra, Portugal). They took the castle, and killed every man there as they had refused to be christened. Added they sailed to Lisbon, a "half Christian and half heathen" city, said to be the allotment between Christian and Muslim Iberia. There they won their third battle, and acquired great assets.

Their fourth battle was won in the city of Alkasse (maybe a allusion to Al Qar) where they killed so many people that the town was said to have been left bare. Also here they got great materials.

After another victorious battle against pirates when sailing through the Passage of Gibraltar (Norfasund) they sailed added along the saracen land (Serkland) into the Mediterranean (Griklands hafi), and inwards at the Balearic Islands. The Baleares were at the time perceived by Christians to be nothing more than a pirate harbor and slaving axis. The Norwegian raids are also the first recorded Christian attacks on the Muslim Balearic islands (although minor attacks certain have occurred).

The first place they inwards at was Formentera, where they encountered a great number of Blamenn (Black men) and Serkir (Saracens) who had taken up their abode in a cave. The course of the argument is the most complete of the complete crusade through written sources, and might maybe be the most notable historic affair in the small island's memoirs. After this battle, the Norwegians supposedly acquired the best materials they had ever got. They then went on to beat Ibiza, and then Minorca, in both spaces victoriously. The Norwegians seems to have avoided attacking the biggest of the Balearic islands, Mallorca, most expected as it at the time were the prosperous and well equipped center of an independent taifa kingdom. Tales of their sensation may have inspired the Catalan Pisan capture of the Baleares in 1113-1115.

In the spring of 1109, they reach at Sicily (Sikileyjar) where they were welcomed by the master Count Roger II who was only 12/13 years old at the time.

In the summer of 1110 they lastly inwards at the harbor of Acre (Akrsborg) (or perhaps in Jaffa), and went to Jerusalem (Jorsala) where they met the ruling crusader king Baldwin I. They were cordially welcomed, and Baldwin rode together with Sigurd to the river Jordan, and back again to Jerusalem.

The Norwegians were given greatly assets and remainder, counting a chip off the holy angry that allegedly Jesus himself had been crucified on. This was given on the clause that they would maintain to promote Christianity and beget the artifact to the committal locate of St. Olaf.

Later Sigurd returned to his ships at Acre, and when king Baldwin were departing to the "heathen" (i.e. Muslim) city of Sidon (Saett) in Syria (Syrland) Sigurd and his men accompanied him in the blockade. The city was then full and subsequently the Lordship of Sidon established.

Viewpoint: Attacks strike at Norway's values

Norway awoke this morning to the greatest loss of life it has experienced since World War II.

There is a pervasive sense of unreality. This kind of tragedy - a mass shooting and home-made explosive devices - happens elsewhere, not here.
There is disbelief that this has happened at all, at the dozens of dead people, and shock that a Norwegian could do this to other Norwegians. There is grief too that so many young lives have been lost in such a senseless way.

"I feared I would have nightmares overnight, but the nightmare came when I woke. This is impossible!" lamented Per Martin Hvam-Malmedal, a student.
Norway has a small population, so a relatively large proportion of people will be directly or indirectly touched by the events. In the streets and online, people are rallying to support each other.
This is a society where you can meet even top politicians strolling in Oslo's streets with no security.
The attack was squarely aimed at the values Norwegians treasure most. Their openness, freedom of expression and feeling of safety have all been shaken to the core.
On Utoeya Island politically active youngsters gather every summer to play football, participate in debates and meet the Labour Party leadership, former and present. In the words of Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, what was once a paradise for young people has been turned into hell.
Norway's dark corners:

Norway's openness and lack of security is in large part a result of it having such a small, homogenous population. It seems paradoxical that an extremist who appears to have fanatically wanted to protect Norway from intruders and the "dangers" of multiculturalism would himself do such damage to the nation.

Norway is now forced to look at the less attractive facets of its society.
Media reports say the arrested man expressed sympathies for the Progress Party (FrP), Norway's most right-wing mainstream political party. For many years, the FrP has been steadily growing in popularity at the expense of the left-leaning Labour Party and the more moderate Conservative Party, although it is yet to win an election.
There are also citizens' websites like Document.no, where Anders Behring Breivik left racist, extremist right-wing comments along with fellow anti-Muslims, and there were attempts to start up Norwegian satellite groups in support of the English Defence League.

These all represent, with varying degrees of extremism, a section of the Norwegian population which feels that the country's immigration policies are too lax. They feel disenfranchised despite Norway's attempts at distributing fairly its immense oil wealth. Norway might now be forced to deal head-on with this undercurrent of nationalism and anti-immigration sentiments.

Justice Minister Knut Storberget said the attack "is sure to change Norway... I hope we will come to value more highly the democratic and open work done by youth and others in political and voluntary organisations".
There is some relief that however tragic, the attacks were apparently not the work of international terrorists.
That at least gives less ammunition to those who are trying to stoke up anti-Muslim feelings.
But Norwegians fear their cherished freedoms may be affected in the aftermath.

"We should not let fear paralyse our ability to think clearly and wisely," wrote Harald Stanghelle, political editor of the daily Aftenbladet. "There is much that we should not allow to be sacrificed on the altar of fear."
Lars Helle, editor of the daily Dagbladet, said "we must avoid being preoccupied by fear, like the US was after 11 September 2001. Rather, we must look to Spain and England and how the people of those nations recovered their freedom after the horrible terrorist acts of 2004 and 2005".

 

A World In Hunger: East Africa And Beyond

A far wealthier world is more divided, and contains nearly twice as many malnourished people, as was the case in the early 1970s. These facts alone are a damning criticism of the way the world economic system has evolved, writes Paul Rogers.

A DROUGHT across much of east Africa in mid-2011 is causing intense distress among vulnerable populations, many of them already pressed by poverty and insecurity. The range of  the affected areas is extensive: the two districts in Somalia that are now designated as famine-zones are but the most extreme parts of a much wider disaster that stretches from Somalia across Ethiopia into northern Kenya, and as far west as Sudan and even the Karamoja district in northeast Uganda.

The numbers put at risk in this, the worst drought in the region since the 1950s, are enormous. At least 11 million people are touched by the disaster. In the Turkana district of northern Kenya, 385,000 children (among a total population of about 850,000) are suffering from acute malnutrition (see Miriam Gathigah, ‘East Africa: millions stare death in the face amidst ravaging drought’, TerraViva / IPS, July 18, 2011). In Somalia, the conflict between the Islamist Shabaab movement and the nominal government makes conditions even more perilous for those affected.

The world’s largest refugee camp, at Dadaab in northern Kenya, offers a stark illustration of the consequences of the drought. The population of Dadaab, which was designed to cope with 90,000 people, has increased in recent months to 380,000 —  and 1,300 more are arriving daily (see Denis Foynes, ‘Eleven million at risk in horn of Africa’, TerraViva / IPS, July 19, 2011).

The lessons of crisis:

BUT just as striking is that this is part of a recurring phenomenon. Major warning-signs of malnutrition and famine were already visible in April 2008; among them were climatic factors, steep oil-price increases, increased demand for meat diets by richer communities, and the diversion of land to grow biofuel crops (see ‘The world’s food insecurity’, April 24, 2008).

What made these ingredients more perilous was the way that (as is so often the case) they acted synergistically. The clearest example of this was the sustained world food crisis of 1973-74, when (at its peak) some 40 million people in thirty countries were at risk. The overall predicament derived from a combination of two long-term and five more immediate factors.

The long-term issues were the relative neglect of rural development since the 1950s, and the fact that many countries were just starting to make the demographic transition (meaning that they still had 40 per cent or more of their population under the age of 14). These were intensified by the short-term problems: the coincidence of poor weather conditions (including the seven-year drought in the Sahel and floods in south Asia), a huge increase in oil and fertiliser prices, increased demand for meat in northern countries, the failure of the green revolution to deliver sufficiently robust new crop varieties, and rampant commodity-market speculation that also forced up prices.

In the event the crisis of 1973-74 did not tip into real disaster. A transnational famine was avoided, partly because a few states (notably the newly wealthy middle-east oil-producers) belatedly provided enough aid. But the most significant aspect was that throughout, the world’s grain reserves were substantial; they did fall to around half of the usual stocks, but even at the peak of the crisis still averaged around 100 days of supply. The problem the crisis revealed was that far too many people could not grow enough of their own food and could not afford the inflated prices in local or national markets. At the heart of the emergency were issues of poverty and economic marginalisation.

The lessons of a near-catastrophe were never learned. The then United Nations plan for a major increase in tropical agricultural research and development was costed at the equivalent of 2 per cent of world military expenditure per year, yet barely a third of the money needed was actually raised.

There have since been nearly four decades of ‘development’, with contrasting outcomes: the world has grown very much richer yet the great bulk of the new wealth has benefited the richest 1.5 billion in a global population that the United Nations estimates will reach 7 billion in October 2011. A far wealthier world is more divided, and contains nearly twice as many malnourished people, as was the case in the early 1970s. These facts alone are a damning criticism of the way the world economic system has evolved, and in particular of the neglect of food security for tens of millions of poor and vulnerable people.

The climate factor:

WHAT makes this situation even more pressing is that it is now reinforced by the existing and likely impacts of climate change (see ‘The climate peril: a race against time’, November 13, 2009).

There is abundant evidence that the rate of temperature increase in coming decades will be faster over the tropical and sub-tropical land-masses — as much as three times the worldwide average in many such regions. The early effects will include a marked decline in what Lester Brown has called the ‘reservoirs in the sky’: the glaciated regions of the high Andes and the far greater water-stores locked up in the Himalaya and the Karakoram (sometimes termed ‘the third pole’) (see Lester R Brown, ‘Rising temperatures melting away global food security’, TerraViva / IPS, July 6, 2011).

The dry coastal areas of Peru and other parts of western south America depend on the Andean glaciers. But the value of the south Asian glaciers is hugely greater since they feed the Ganges, Indus, Brahmaputra and other river systems on which hundreds of millions of people depend for food. When the ‘reservoirs’ shrivel and temperatures rise, the result is increased heat- and water-stress in crops, causing yields to fall and thus food shortages. Such shortages already exist, as the east African crisis shows; on present trends they will become far worse in the coming decades (see ‘A century on the edge: 1945-2045’, December 29, 2008).

A degree of adaptation is in principle possible, not least through key technological and political changes: 

improving water conservation and the breeding of drought-resistant crops, and reforming the world economy to ensure far more equity and economic emancipation (see Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom, Oxford University Press, 1999). These innovations alone would be near-revolutionary — but still not enough to solve the problems. This requires bringing climate change under control via a ‘great transition’ to ultra-low carbon economies.

The current crisis in east Africa requires immediate coordinated action to alleviate the widespread suffering. It is also a powerful reminder of the far larger efforts needed here and elsewhere, which are amplified by the preceding decades of neglect and waste. The ability to achieve the great transition — with all it entails in terms of sustainable livelihoods and social organisation — will determine whether the planet’s next generations are guaranteed the food and other resources to enable them to survive and build fulfilled lives.

The Crusade of 1101

In the Wake of Victory

Europeans were overjoyed to learn of the success of the First Crusade. With the news of the victory, however, came pleas for reinforcements and the people of Europe respond with enthusiasm. Rich and poor alike were eager to make their own pilgrimage to the Holy Land, to battle the infidel, and to win for themselves the earthly glory and the spiritual rewards that came with being being crucesignati. 

A new crusade was already being preached in the spring of 1099 by the Archbishop of Milan, for Urban knew that the crusaders were in dire need of help. Thus, in Lombardy, the preaching was already well under way, and being met with strong response, when the news of the fall of Jerusalem reached Italy in late summer. The new pope, Paschal II (1099-1118), sent legates into France as well. Perhaps just as important, he re-issued Urban's threat to excommunicate anyone who had taken the crusading vow but who had not yet actually gone. By the end of 1099 armies were being raised from all over western Europe. 

The Arabs were hardly more united in 1100 than they had been in 1096. There were at least as many crusaders in this second wave as had been in the first. The Latins were hopeful and confident, eager to equal the accomplishments of the great heroes who had won Jerusalem.

The Armies and their Leaders

As in the First Crusade, these pilgrims did not all leave together but rather moved out as national armies from their various regions. The most important groups were the Lombards, the Burgundians, the Bavarians under Duke Welf, the Aquitainians led by Duke William, and armies led by William of Nevers, Stephen of Blois and Raymond St. Gilles. With a few exceptions, these were all from regions only lightly affected by the preaching in the First Crusade, and there was a strong sense of having missed out. The armies all left at different times, with the Lombards being the first to go (September 1100) and the last of them leaving in the spring of 1101.

As in the First Crusade, too, this crusade had no effective leader and was, in truth, even more scattered and haphazard in its progress. The Lombards were a motley bunch, somewhat similar to those who marched in the People's Crusade. The leaders, mentioned above, were from about the same ranks of European nobility as the original leaders had been. There were still no kings leading, for much the same reasons as there had been no kings in 1096. Once again there was an archbishop designated by the pope as leader, and once again he was generally ignored.

The crusaders appeared to have no clear plans. Most were going to help out in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, but there are some slight indications that some, at least, may have intended to invade Iraq and even to attack Baghdad. Certainly some hoped to win lands for themselves as the original crusaders had done, but it should be noted that the vast majority of crusaders did not remain in the Holy Land and the newcomers probably intended to imitate that model: go, win great battles, obtain spiritual grace, visit holy sites, perhaps come away with a relic or two, then return home.

The Lombards March

The Lombards left from Milan on 13 September 1100. They crossed through Carinthia and into Hungary, spending the winter in Bulgaria. They had already heard about the "treacherous Greeks" and relations with the Byzantines were sour from the beginning. They quarreled with the locals all along the route and when they finally arrived at Constantinople, Emperor Alexius, by now quite fed up with rag-tag Latin armies, refused to allow them to enter the city. 

The Lombards cooled their heels for two months outside the city while their leaders negotiated for supplies and for transport across the Bosporus. They were such violent and demanding guests that Alexius finally ferried them over to get them out of his hair (21 April 1101). The Lombards waited at Nicomedia, having been advised they should not set out into Asia Minor without additional troops.

In the meantime, the crusaders learned of a great calamity that had befallen Outremer: the great Prince of Antioch, Bohemond, had been captured by the Turks. Moreover, it was learned, he was being held in Khorassan (in Pontus). The Lombards naturally felt specially called to rescue their countryman. Before they set out, they were joined by the Burgundians, northern Frenchmen under Stephen of Blois, and a small group of Provençals under Raymond of Toulouse (being nursed to health after a serious illness by the Emperor's own doctor). 

The French urged the Lombards to wait, but they could not prevail. Rather than see them go unaided, the French agreed to accompany them. It did not help that St. Gilles was urging caution, for the Lombards were convinced that he was the Emperor's lackey and that the Emperor would like nothing better than to let Bohemond languish in a Turkish prison. 

The Turks, for their part, had managed to put aside their differences to meet this new invasion. They had learned their lesson from the previous disasters and were determined that the Christians should not get through. Kilij Arslan, who had personal grievances with the Franks, led the united tribes. The Lombards set out in June, and from Chankiri onward the Turks harassed them unmercifully. No one really knew where Bohemond was being held, and their guides proved somewhat unreliable (or so the Christian sources report), and the crusade wandered a bit though it headed generally eastward.

Defeat

The Turks brought the crusaders to ground near the mountains of Paphlagonia at Mersivan. The terrain was well-suited to the Turks—dry and infertile, with plenty of open space for their horses. They had been harassing the Latins for some days, making sure they went where Kilij Arslan wanted them to go and making sure, too, that they did not find too many supplies.

The battle was spread out over several days. On the first, the Turks cut off the crusader advance and surrounded them. The next day, Duke Conrad led his Germans in a sortie that failed doubly. Not only did they fail to open the Turkish lines, they were unable to return to the main crusader army and had to take refuge in a nearby stronghold.

No serious fighting took place on the third day. Then, on the fourth, the crusaders made a concerted effort to break free of the trap. The crusaders fought fiercely, inflicting heavy losses on the Turks, but the attack ultimately failed. Kilij Arslan had been joined by Ridwan of Aleppo, Malik-Ghazi of Sebastia, and Karaja of Harran, all powerful Danishmend princes. The Latins were hopelessly outnumbered.

That night, the noble leaders of the crusade decided to abandon the fight and the army. They slipped away under cover of night in small bands, heading for the mountains. The Turks pursued as many as they could, and cut down those they caught. The next morning, the fifth day of the battle, the Turks assaulted the Christian camp. With the bulk of the knights gone, the army was helpless. Many were slaughtered, the rest were enslaved. Those who managed to escape were hunted down in the hills, though some few did manage to get away.

Aftermath of Mersivan

Raymond of Toulouse, Stephen of Blois, and many of the other great lords managed to escape the debacle and to return to Constantinople. They were widely criticized for the catastrophe by the other crusaders who were still in the city. Raymond was suspect. Emperor Alexius was blamed for failing to send his own troops. Some even said that Alexius had tipped off the Turks, not wishing to see the hated Bohemond freed.

This victory was a sweet one for Kilij Arslan, for it avenged his honor and restored his standing among the Danishmends. But he could not enjoy his victory, for he knew that more crusader armies were on their way.

The Nivernais Expedition

Count William of Nevers had in the meantime set out into Asia Minor on his own hook. He had come by way of Italy, crossing the Adriatic at Brindisi and arriving at Constantinople on 14 June 1101. Upon learning of the Lombard expedition, he set out almost at once, crossing the Bosporus on 24 June and setting out in pursuit.

By the time he reached Ankara it was plain that he was not going to catch up with them. Many in his army were not interested in rescuing the Norman, pointing out that their vows stated they were to go to Jerusalem. So William turned south, heading for Iconium (modern-day Konya). This was central Anatolia, a dry and harsh land ill-suited to the support of armies.

Finding Iconium too well-defended, and not wishing to risk a siege, William pressed on to Heraclea. This city was not defended at all, but the Turks had removed most of the supplies and had poisoned the wells. The army had no choice but to press on. It was now mid-August. The Lombard army had already been destroyed, though William did not know this.

The land south of Heraclea was a desert. The army struggled forward for a few days, for there was no other choice. Once they were sufficiently worn down, the Turks attacked. Once again the knights abandoned the foot soldiers, leaving the common people to be slaughtered and enslaved.

William and his knights hired locals to guide them through the desert, but their guides betrayed them. William and his men were robbed, stripped, and left on foot in the wilderness to perish. Amazingly, a handful of them, William included, managed to walk out of the desert, through the mountains and at last down to Antioch.

A second crusader army had been annihilated.

The Aquitainian Expedition

The third army consisted of Duke William of Aquitaine's men. William is rather famous as the troubador prince, for he was a great patron of the troubadors in southern France. He was a highly cultured individual who wrote poetry himself. He left his homeland in March and took the overland route, being joined along the way by the Poitevins and by Welf, Duke of Bavaria.

This army arrived in Constantinople in early June. They chose not to follow William of Nevers in pursuit of the Lombards; most felt they should proceed directly to Jerusalem. They were on hand to hear of the catastrophe in Paphlagonia. A portion, including most of the Germans, decided to go by sea rather than risk the overland route. The French now decided take the Nivernais route, marching into the interior and arriving at Heraclea in early September.

Kilij Arslan was fresh from his victory in the north. He ambushed the Aquitainians near Heraclea and wiped them out. At least here the knights actually stayed with the army and fought. The only result of their courage was that they, too, died.

William managed to escape, accompanied only by his squire, as did a handful of others. They made their way down to Tarsus and then returned to Constantinople. Alexius was bitterly disappointed in the poor showing of the Latin armies. Poor guests as they were, at least the previous crusaders had managed to defeat the Turks!

Effects of the Disasters in Outremer

In the space of two months, three large crusader armies had been almost completely destroyed. There was now no one to rescue the Prince of Antioch. There would be no armies to reinforce Jerusalem in its struggle with Egypt. There would be no influx of settlers to populate the Holy Land with Latin Christians. And Emperor Alexius at last understood that the West would be of no assistance to him in his struggle to recover Greek territories from the Turks.

These losses made it plain to everyone that the Crusader States were on their own. While individuals and very small groups continued to make their way to Outremer, some to settle, some for a single campaigning season, the Holy Land would have to be held by only a few hundred knights and a few thousand more footsoldiers. This forced Baldwin and the others to look for allies among their enemies, to enter into the complex politics of the Near East, and to become Oriental in their outlook. It also caused them to look eagerly to the Italian city-states, with their strong navies and promise of steady supplies, and to give into their demands for a near-monopoly on trade.

Effects of the Disasters in Europe

The effects in Europe were equally profound. Three whole armies destroyed. Thousands killed, and they never even made it out of Anatolia, much less arrived in the Holy Land. An objective observer might say that this was hardly more than to be expected, given the raw numerical superiority of the Islamic forces fighting on their home ground. But the success of the First Crusade had led Europeans rather to expect the miraculous, and the failures in 1101 seemed to need explaining.

The result was that Europe quickly lost its taste for crusading. There was some renewed effort around 1108, but there was no general call for crusade until the fall of Edessa in 1145. An entire generation passed in Europe, and the First Crusade passed into legend.

This long hiatus—the longest in the entire history of the Crusades—was due not only to the catastrophies of 1101, but also due to the fact that the papacy was entering into a renewed struggle with the Empire, first with Henry IV and then in a bitter war with Henry V. This was not settled until 1122, by which time the initial enthusiasm for crusading had long past.

Final Fate of the Crusaders

There are some postscripts to the Crusade of 1101 that are worth recounting. The survivors who gathered back at Constantinople—Count Raymond, William of Aquitaine, Stephen of Blois, William of Nevers, Conrad the Constable of Germany, Welf of Bavaria—were still determined to fulfill their vows. Alexius was so glad to be rid of them that he gave them ships and sent them on to Syria.

They landed at Saint Symeon in January of 1102 and proceeded to Antioch. Raymond's ship had gone off course and landed instead at Tarsus. Immediately upon his arrival, a knight stepped up and arrested the Count for his flight from Mersivan. He was turned over to Tancred, regent of Antioch. He was eventually released, but this took Raymond out of the subsequent events.

The others went from Antioch down to Beirut, where they were met by a large armed guard sent north by King Baldwin for their protection. The Kingdom of Jerusalem still hung by a thread and armies were on the march that spring. In fact, Baldwin had just won a tremendous victory over an Egyptian army the previous September, even as the crusaders had been losing spectacularly in Asia Minor. But the Egyptians were said to be planning another invasion. Few as they were, these Latins were a welcome addition. 

The newcomers at last fulfilled their vows and worshipped at the Holy Sepulchre. After visiting other holy sites, they decided to return home. They certainly did not linger to aid Baldwin: they had done their tour and were already ship-board by the end of April, 1102. William of Aquitaine and others made it home safely, but the ship carrying Stephen of Blois and Stephen of Burgundy was driven ashore by a storm off Jaffa. They were unable to find another ship, and in the meantime, word came that the expected second Egyptian invasion had arrived. Stephen decided to stay and help.

Second Battle of Ramleh

The Egyptians were determined to avenge their embarassing defeat of the previous year. The army amounted to about twenty thousand and was commanded by the Vizier's son, Sharaf al-Ma'ali. It arrived at Ascalon in mid-May, 1102, and advanced toward Ramleh.

Baldwin's forces, amounting to only a few thousand, were assembled at Jaffa (where Count Stephen found them). His reconnaissance was poor, however. He believed that he was facing only a raiding party and decided to advance without calling up his reserves, and to attack with only the knights. Stephen of Blois suggested caution and better reconnaissance, but of course his earlier cowardice ensured that no one would listen to him.

On 17 May, King Baldwin set out with about five hundred men. They rode straight into the Egyptians and their twenty thousand, and were spotted immediately. Before he had time to retreat, Baldwin found himself cut off. So he charged. The Egyptians could not believe that so few would charge so many and at first believed they were the forerunners of the full Christian army. But no one else showed up, and the Egyptians gathered their shaken resolve and attacked in full force.

A few managed to cut through to Jaffa, but many died on the field. Baldwin and others, including Stephen, were able to break out and reach Ramleh, where there was a small fortress, crowding into a single small tower. They were immediately surrounded, of course. During the night, Baldwin slipped out under cover of darkness and escaped. A few others did likewise, each scattering in separate directions. One of these made it to Jerusalem where he told of the disaster, but also encouraged the citizens to defend the city.

At dawn, the Egyptians piled wood around the tower. Rather than be burned alive, the Christians charged. Constable Conrad of Germany so impressed the Egyptians with his prowess that they spared his life, along with about a hundred others, who were all sent as captives to Cairo. Stephen of Blois died on the battlefield, at last redeeming his reputation.

The great crusade thus stumbled to an end in yet one more disaster. There would be no more grand expeditions for another four decades.

THE END

Norway massacre suspect driven by "Crusade"

The man suspected of Norway's gun and bomb massacre had belonged to an anti-immigration party and opposed multi-culturalism, Islam and the "cultural Marxists" of the establishment, web postings, acquaintances and officials said Saturday.

Anders Behring Breivik was accused of gunning down 85 people at a youth camp and killing another seven in a bomb attack on Friday. "Before we can start our crusade we must do our duty by decimating cultural marxism," said a caption under a video called "Knights Templar 2083" on the YouTube website.

At the end of the approximately 12 minute clip, several images appear of Breivik, including one of him in a Navy Seal type scuba diving outfit pointing an automatic weapon. Two pictures also appeared earlier on a Facebook page created on July 17. The video was uploaded to YouTube on July 22, the day of the attacks.

A Norwegian discussion website provided a link to an 1,500 page electronic book by an individual called Andrew Berwick, who also uploaded the video. In the book, Berwick is revealed as Anders Behring Breivik.
It could not be verified who posted the video or who wrote the book.

Finnish newspaper Helsingin Sanomat on its website reported that at least one Finnish politician, a member of the populist True Finns, received the e-mail manifesto Friday afternoon. "Once you decide to strike, it is better to kill too many than not enough, or you risk reducing the desired ideological impact of the strike," the book said. Norway has traditionally been open to immigration, which has been criticized by the Progress Party, of which Breivik was for a short time a member. The Labor Party, whose youth camp Breivik attacked, has long been in favor of immigration.

In the book, there is a direct reference to the summer camp where he writes about infiltrating the youth camp of a ruling party and assassinating the party leader. The video and book are in contrast to the more measured tones used by Breivik in 2009 and 2010 in comments on blogs on a Norwegian website critical of Islam, www.documents.no. "What most people still do not understand is that the ongoing Islamicisation of Europe cannot be stopped before one gets to grips with the political doctrine which it make possible (and the individuals which front these doctrines)," he wrote in October 2009.

Another entry dated February 16 last year said: "According to two studies, 13 percent of young British Muslims aged between 15 and 25 support al Qaeda ideology." He does not advocate violence in any of the comments. Breivik wrote he was a backer of the "Vienna School of Thought," which was against multi-culturalism and the spread of Islam. He also wrote he admired Geert Wilders, the populist anti-Islam Dutch politician, for following that school. The Vienna reference seems to concern the halt of the Ottoman Turkish invasion at Vienna in 1683. Wilders said in a statement on Saturday: "I despise everything he stands for and everything he did."

QUIET AT SCHOOL
Breivik was a freemason, said a spokesman for the organization. Freemasons meet in secretive fraternal groups in many parts of the world. The suspected killer was also a member of the Oslo gun club and was fond of weightlifting. Police said Breivik carried a pistol and an automatic weapon during the attack, adding he had never before come to the attention of the police.

"He was rather introverted at school, even though he was a good student," said Michael Tomola, who knew Breivik from the age of 13 to 16 at the school they went to in an Oslo suburb."I'm very surprised by this (attack). I had a good impression, although he became very engaged in subjects he cared for. He got very extreme about things he cared for," Tomola told Reuters. The Facebook page set up last week included a variety of interests such as hunting and political and stock analysis. His tastes in music included classical and trance, a hypnotic form of dance music. The profile veered between references to political philosophers and gory popular films, TV shows and video games. Nina Hjerpset-Ostlie, a contributing journalist to the website, said she had met Breivik at a meeting in late 2009.

"The only thing we noticed about him is that he seemed like anyone else and that he had some very high-flying, unrealistic, ideas about marketing of our website," she told Reuters.

Police searched an apartment in an Oslo suburb Friday, which neighbors said belonged to Breivik's mother. "It is the mother who lives there. She is a very polite lady, pleasant and very friendly," said Hemet Noaman, 27, an accounting consultant who lives in the same building in the upmarket part of the capital. "He often came to visit his mother but did not live here."

Breivik, who attended a middle class high school called Handelsgym in Oslo, had also been a member of the Progress Party, the second-largest in parliament. He was a member from 2004-2006 and in its youth party from 1997-2006/2007.

The Progress Party wants far tighter restrictions on immigration, whereas the center-left government backs multi-culturalism. The party leads some public opinion polls. A politician who met Breivik in 2002-2003, when he was interested in Oslo politics, said he did not attract attention.

"I got the impression that he was a modest person ... he was well dressed, it seemed like he was well educated," Joeran Kallmyr, 33, an Oslo municipality politician representing the Progress Party, told Reuters. Progress leader Siv Jensen stressed Breivik had left the party and that she regretted he had been a member.

The Chalice Well: Where Glastonbury's Grail Rests

The Tradition: Having settled in Ynys Witrin (Glastonbury) and founded the first religious community in Britain, St. Joseph of Arimathea buried the Holy Grail deep in the hillside of Glastonbury Tor in order to safe-guard it from thieves and robbers. A miraculous spring welled up at this very spot. The water runs through the grail before reaching the surface stained red with the blood of Christ. 

 

Possible interpretations: Though St. Joseph is said to have brought the Grail to Britain, it is rarely connected with his monastery of Glastonbury except in purely local legend. The water in the Chalice Well Gardens, below the Tor, certainly runs red, but this is mundanely explained by the red Iron Oxide minerals in the Glastonbury soil.

The Way Out - Bangladesh Islamists Impasse

In July 2008 I attended an international workshop on ‘Politics and Islam’ in Islamabad that was organized by Henry L. Stimson Center, a Washington based U. S. Think Tank. Diaa Rashwan, Director of Al Ahram Center for Political Strategic Studies Egypt attended the event. We had a good discussion on the political situation in Egypt and the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in the sideline of the workshop.

Diaa then informed me that Brotherhood is planning to float a new political party. The debate was then going on “whether this prospective party will be a means for the Muslim Brotherhood to carry out its public and political work, or if it will replace the Brotherhood entirely” [Diaa Rashwan, Political Islamists Movements: The Case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in Islam and Politics: Renewal and Resistance in the Muslim World, Stimson Regional Voices, Henry L. Stimson Center Washington, 2009, pp 3-16]. Now in the backdrop of the downfall of President Hosni Mubarak, Brotherhood has floated a new political party - Freedom and Justice Party. The Muslim Brotherhood would however continue to operate as the parent organization.

What is the lesson Islamists in Bangladesh can draw from the Egyptian experience is a very pertinent question now hitting the mind of the political observers here. In Bangladesh the mainstream Islamist, the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, analysts say, has lost much of its creditability for opposing the liberation war of the country in 1971. Whether this analysis is right or wrong, the fact remains that the secular forces here have been quite successful to discredit Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami in the public eyes and have also been successful to poison the minds of the new generation of people against it. That being the scenario, many analysts consider Jamaat-e-Islami as a “spent force” [Abid Ullah Jan, Moderate Islam: A Product of American Extremism, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, jointly published by Association of Muslim Social Scientists and International Institute of Islamic Thought, Herndon, V.A., U. S. A., Vol. 22, No. 3, Summer 2005, p 35]. It has hardly any future.

In this backdrop, a workshop was held in Dhaka in July 2009. It was participated by all former Presidents of Islami Chhattra Shibir, the student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, three Assistant Secretary Generals of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, quite a few well-known lawyers, several retired government officials, eminent educationists and some other Islamist intellectuals [Weekly Budhbar, 7 October 2009].

The main theme of the paper presented in PowerPoint was to float a new political party in the model of Turkish Justice and Development Party, otherwise known as A. K. Party with the avowed objectives of promoting public welfare, good governance, safeguarding the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, besides protecting the nation’s economic interest, particularly safeguarding gas and other mineral resources. Some people as back as April 1998 also had written to the top leadership of Jamaat to float a new party with liberal and democratic aims and objectives committed to establishing social justice, peace, stability and bringing prosperity to the nation.

The workshop paper of July 2009 also recommended that the proposed party must distance itself from the demand of a theological state and strict compliance of shariah in public life. The recommendation of not bringing shariah into politics came in the light of the recently carried out ijtihad or search on the application of shariah which says: “Negus, the Emperor of Abyssinia, who embraced Islam but did not rule as per shariah as that would have threatened his Kingdom. … From this it becomes clear that Muslims can rule without implementing shariah if the circumstances are not in their favor or the people are not ready for such reform or the situation is not healthy enough or conducive for such a transformation or change” [Sheikh Rachid Ghannouchi, The Participation of Islamists in Non-Islamic Government in Azzam Tamimi ed. Power-Sharing Islam, Liberty for Muslims World Publications, London, U. K., 1993, pp 57-58. Also see Prof. Dr. Yusuf al Qaradawi, Islamic Awakening Between Rejection and Extremism, I. I. I. T., Virginia, U. S. A., 1991, pp 137-138. Further see Shah Abdul Halim, Concept of Sovereignty and Other Issues, www.shahfoundationbd.org]. An Nahadah Party ideologue Sheikh Rachid Ghannouchi, in the backdrop of the recent change in Tunisia, has returned to the country from long exile in the United Kingdom and has declared that An Nahadah will not bring shariah into politics

Meanwhile Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, Senior Assistant Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami who is now in prison facing the charge of war crimes for alleged involvement in human rights violation during the liberation war has circulated a political discourse dated 26 November 2010 to a select group of top Jamaat leaders as to what strategy need to be adopted in the country’s changed political environment. Its copy has been leaked to the press. Reformists within Jamaat have however widely circulated photocopies of this political advice among the Jamaat activists, followers and sympathizers and it is now in everybody’s possession. Kamaruzzaman in his political discourse has also advised Jamaat to form a new political platform with new policy and strategy outlines [Daily Kalerkantho, 28 February 2011].

In his paper Kamaruzzaman has given the outline of the proposed party. He suggested that Jamaat leaders against whom charges of war crimes hang should not be in any way linked with the new party. But many others believe this is perhaps not enough. Since the agenda of the Islamists should be the progress and advancement of Islam in society, the new party should be manned and headed by people from post-liberation generation, those who are born after 1971, against whom there cannot be any charge of war crimes or stigma of collaboration with the Pakistan army. The proposed party should even scrupulously avoid associating the family members or close relatives of pre-liberation Jamaat leaders in the new party. There should not be any illusion about this. No mental obsession should also be there though it may be painful. It might appear to some as regression or a step back from Islamic call and guidance but it will ultimately pave the way for a stride and forward march creating a new environment where Islamic politics may make new leap forward.

The proposed party should be totally democratic in architecture. Centralize authority must be discarded in the new party. The weakness of the Islamist movement is that although it believes in human equality in principle but it has failed to translate such equality in real life practice in the state and the society as a whole. Malaysian scholar Dr. Chandra Muzaffar rightly pointed out: “If one looks at the contemporary situation, one could argue that contemporary Islamic movements have by and large, with a few exceptions such as the An Nahdah Party of Sheikh Rachid Ghannouchi, inherited this notion of equality and political, economic, social, and gender relations from the history … It is a notion of equality which has been embodied in the fiqh tradition, the Islamic tradition of jurisprudence, which must be distinguished for the purpose of analysis from the divinely rooted shariah. It is this fiqh tradition, which has formed the basis of Islamic movement’s approach to this fundamental question of equality in society.

What Islamic movements have done the most notable amongst them being the Muslim Brotherhood and the Jamaat-e-Islami, is to say that they have accepted equality as an important principle at the general level. However, when it comes to translating that principle into specifics you will find that there are many inequalities and that they accept the inequality as divinely sanctioned. … For example, in the realm of politics the fiqh oriented approach of contemporary Islamic movements is to say that you need a powerful ruler, a ruler who would centralize authority and thus be able to establish the norms and principles of an Islamic polity. That this in itself an act of inequality is something that does not occur to them. You will find that within these Islamic movements there is very little support for the idea of people’s participation and empowering the individuals. Rather there exists this notion of a strong leader at the apex of society” [Shah Abdul Halim, Islamic Movement: An Overview, www.shahfundationbd.org].

The leadership structure of the proposed party should be built like a pyramid - bottom-up approach from grassroots to the center, instead of top-bottom approach, where the leader at the apex nominates rest of the leadership having the veto power to overrule the decision of consultative committee and executive committee. In keeping with the true spirit and tradition of democracy, the new party would allow its members the unbridled freedom and opportunity to elect leadership and in no way restrict the exercise of the freedom to choose leadership by limiting their option by way of creating a panel of leadership, which only reflects the senior leader’s lack of trust, faith and confidence on the ability of general members in exercising voting rights judiciously, from which top leaders are to be elected by the members.

The proposed party should adopt the system of electing leadership at every tier and the current belief and mindset of the Islamists that placing oneself to contest for leadership is contrary to the teachings of Islam must be given-up. History bears testimony that Prophet Yusuf (peace and blessings be upon him) asked Pharaoh to give him the ministerial responsibility of the government to administer the food management to ameliorate the suffering of the people. It means that if the Islamist leadership has any expertise, they are duty bound even today to offer their services for the common good, public wellbeing and social welfare and refusing to offer or give such service shall be tantamount to zulm or oppression. Prophet Yusuf therefore did not hesitate to ask for ministerial responsibility to administer the food management and participate in the administration of Pharaoh to save people from starvation. The same principle should hold good and valid even now. What has happened to Prophet Yusuf can repeat to Muslims today.

Muslims are permitted to ask for leadership position and join government to fulfill the greater interest of the Muslim community, the ummah and prevent evils and wrongdoings. Failure to do so will lead to undermining the overall interest of the Muslim community, the ummah and allowing the evils to spread and dominate the society. Muslims offer dua or prayers to God to give them leadership over the believers, muttaqina imama. So asking position for leadership cannot be termed as un-Islamic [Shah Abdul Halim, Power Sharing in Islam, www.shahfoundationbd.org].

The new party leadership must abide by the decisions of the shura or consultative committee. The decisions of the consultative committee must be binding on the leader(s) at apex. King Abdul Aziz became a caliph, the fifth rightly guided caliph of Islam, by accepting the binding provision of the shura. After the state of Medina was established and the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him), now head of the state, was then ordained by God: Consult them (the Companions) in the (community) affair(s), and when you have reached a decision, then place your trust in God (and implement it) [Al Quran 3: 159]. “Al-Tabari characterizes consultation as one of the fundamental principles of the shariah (azaim al-ahkam), which are essential to the substance and identity of Islamic government. Ibn Taymiyyah held a similar view, observing that God, Most High, commanded the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) to consult the community, despite the fact that he was the recipient of divine revelation. The Quranic command is therefore all the more emphatic with regard to the subsequent generations of Muslims who no longer have the Prophet among them, and no longer have access to direct revelation. Muhammad Abduh has also held that in this verse, consultation is not just a recommendation, but an obligatory command addressed primarily to the head of the state to ensure that it is properly implemented in the government affairs” [Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Freedom of Expression in Islam, Part Two, Chapter IV Consultation (Shura), Ilmiah Publishers Sdn Bhd, Kuala Lumpur, 1998, pp 40-44].

It is thus evident that shura or consultation is obligatory for the leadership of the political party as they are directly involved with the process of governance of the state. The strength of the shura lies in the fact that consultation brings people closer together, and it provides them with an opportunity to share ideas and voice their views on matters of common concerns. In this way, shura prevents disunity and division among the people. But consultation can only be meaningful and effective when the participants enjoy total freedom to express their views. It would be totally in vain, and would make no sense to say that in Islam the government and for that matter political party is bound by the principle of consultation, and yet should have the liberty to deny the members of the shura the freedom to express an opinion.

It may not be out of context to mention here that Dr. Rezaul Karim, President of Islami Chhattra Shibir, working for the coterie of a section of former Islami Chhattra Sihbir Presidents who consider them more wise and judicious over the collective consultation, refused to accept the decision of the shura in 2009 to nominate Shishir Muhammad Munir as the Secretary General of the student organization. It sparked crisis and caused resignation of 20 out of 34 executive committee members.

Islami Chhattra Shibir must exercise unbridle freedom and independence as an organization and in no way be subservient to advice from any other person or organization. It must not involve people outside its own organization to mediate or resolve its problems rather must strictly follow its own constitutional provisions in resolving disputes, if ever it arises. Past experience has shown that mediators become partisan. Islami Chhattra Shibir in no way and must not become an organization of sycophant or what Muhammad Kamaruzzaman said: Islami Chhattra Shibir must come out of the fold of ‘lejurbritti’ or sycophancy of any political organization.

In the new party women members should be an integral part of the shura. This will help male members of the shura to have perceptions and views of women on important gender issues along with other national and international subjects to reach a fair, judicious and balanced decision. If women shura or consultative committee is separate, the fact remains that their voice is not heard at the particular moment of taking vital decisions. In the past it has been seen that women parliamentarians and male parliamentarians of the Islamist party are sitting in the same room although the male and female shura members are sitting in separate rooms. These practices are self-contradictory having no logic. Sometimes women are suppressed and their voice is not heard. This is neither Islamic nor democratic.

Elections to form committees and choose leadership of the proposed party at all levels must be on the basis of open discussion, secret ballots and open counting. Counting party election results openly and then declaring the scoring will not create division within the party as some argue; rather this will restore confidence in the rank and file of the new party. This would also meet the requirement of the national Election Commission. It would also break the hands of vicious circles who often manipulate the election results of the party as they do not consider shura binding. It is alleged that such manipulation did occur at different tiers of the student organization. It is also alleged that during party elections, election commissioner had even rigged and manipulated the results of apex body in the recent past.

The workshop held in July 2009 suggested that the proposed party should not be cadre based. The past experience has shown that cadre system develops privileged-class and a bar on the entry of newcomers to turn it into a mass organization. The leadership should be developed step by step from the grassroots. The cadre system would have no place at any level in the democratic setup of the new party. The present reporting system on personal conduct which a member has to maintain, according to some insiders, has also proved mischievous and it must be discontinued in the proposed political party.

The system of whole-timer should also be discarded in the proposed party. Experience has shown that whole-timers, being totally dependent on the salary of the party, lose freedom and confidence to think independently being afraid of losing favor from the hierarchy where innovation and creativity constitute the lifeline of any organization committed to work for reform and renaissance. Whole-timers are found more interested in protecting their self-interest rather than working to push the right cause and chart out a pragmatic way as it may antagonize the party establishment.

The new party should be prepared to accept women in the leadership including the leadership positions at the apex. The Islamists are not yet ready to accept and embrace women in the leadership, which is another example of inequality between men and women. Those who object to assigning political positions to women forget that in today’s world rulers are only parts of a wider political establishment making the government. Indeed government itself is one of a group of as many institutions that shares out among them the power and authority of the state, which were the domain and used to be exercised by a single ruler in the past, regardless of the title he assumed. During the earlier days of Islam the kholafa-e-rashadeen used to combine in them a whole range of comprehensive and broad authority, over the whole Muslim world which no ruler is expected to exercise now or in foreseeable future, including leading prayers, commanding armies, exercising absolute ijtihad in fiqh besides exercising powers as the supreme judge. These are being performed now by many people at different levels. There is a strict bifurcation and separation of powers. From the point of view of her competence, a woman may be now assigned some of these powers, including the post of the head of the state, because none of these powers, including that of head of the state, constitutes the overall authority over the community [For a detailed discussion as to whether women leadership is allowed in Islam or not see Shah Abdul Halim, Can Woman Become Head of the State or Government, www.shahfoundationbd.org].

The proposed party should have at least one woman Vice President and one woman Assistant Secretary General. The post of the President and the Secretary General should also remain open to contest by women. The Islamist in Bangladesh must take lessons from others. In Iran, which is no doubt an Islamic state, woman has been elected to the post of Vice President.

The new party as a matter of policy should adopt easy options when Islam offers different alternatives in resolving problems. It would always remain open to examine variable choices while deciding policy matters. Some Islamists overemphasize the importance of covering face by woman. A number of Islamist organizations have failed to make difference between local culture and Islamic culture, which is one of the reasons for the backwardness of the Muslims. Covering face of woman is a local culture and has nothing to do with Islam. Those who insist on using total veil by the women are really working to create bottleneck in the progress of Islamic society rather than promoting its advancement [This position of not covering face by women is also shared by Dr. Ahmad Totonji. See Shah Abdul Halim, Totonji on the Backwardness of the Muslim Ummah. www.shahfoundationbd.org].

Eminent Egyptian Islamic scholar Sheikh Adil Salahi commenting on the verses 24:30-31 [Say to the believing men that they should lower their gaze … And say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze … Al Quran 24:30-31] wherein both men and women have been asked to lower their look when fall on the opposite sex, in his regular weekly column ‘Our Dialogue’ in Saudi daily Arab News observed: “The instruction of the verses quoted above is that both men and women are required to keep their eyes cast down, so that when they meet each other, neither should men stare at women nor women at men. The natural question that arises is why man should lower his gaze if the face of woman is totally covered? From the text of the verses it is clearly evident that the face of the woman is not to be covered and therefore man has been advised to lower his look”.

Muslim Brotherhood leader Abdul Halim Abu Shuqqah commenting on the aforementioned verses said that the intent of the Law Giver is that women need not cover face. He said that if the intention of the Law Giver was to cover the face of women than He would not have asked men to lower the gaze [Abdul Halim Abu Shuqqah, Rasuler Juge Nari Shadhinata (Bengali tr. of Tahrirul Mar’ah Fi Asrir Risalah), Vol. IV, Bangladesh Institute of Islamic Thought (BIIT), Dhaka, 2006, pp 79-80].

The Islamists in Bangladesh should take note of the general practice of hijab by women in Indonesia, Malaysia, Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Egypt and Morocco where they keep their face open and they do not cover face with niqab. Women in the Saudi Television also appear without niqab or without covering the face. Even the women leaders of Muslim Brotherhood throughout Middle East, including eminent Brotherhood leader of Egypt Zainab al Ghazali known for her monumental work “Return of the Pharoah: Memoirs in Naser’s Prison’, do not cover their face. It is obligatory that women must not cover their face during hajj.

Kamaruzzaman’s initiative also called for limiting the tenure of the office of the central president and district presidents of the new party. He proposed to limit the tenure of the central president and the district presidents to three terms. But it would be appropriate to limit the tenure to two consecutive terms of three years each. To bring dynamism in the party, a system may be developed by which leadership is rotated through secret credible elections. Unlike the prevailing practice of the Islamists, at least fifteen posts of vice president and twenty-five posts of assistant secretary general may be created in the proposed party. This would create opportunity to produce more leaders, built up their capacity; evaluate who is more capable and dynamic in sharing responsibility.

The central leadership structure of the proposed party however may be organized based on how many people it wants to put in the various watchdog committees and in the Shadow Cabinet. This issue will be discussed at the later part of this article. Those found effective at the grassroots, particularly whose performance at the local government lections would be highly impressive and people would accept them as public leaders, should be gradually elevated to the central leadership.

However highly skilled professionals, eminent educationists, senior retired civil and military bureaucrats, celebrated journalists, renowned lawyers, prominent political leaders of other parties and such other notable members of the civil society with secular background, if they accept the aims and objectives and join the new party, should be elevated to the higher echelon of the leadership in keeping with the practice of the noble Prophet who had placed leaders of the days of jahiliyyah or ignorance, when they sincerely accepted Islam and joined the Muslim rank, in the leadership ranks. In other words persons with rich and highly potential background will be absorbed in the new party implementing the spirit of the saying of the Prophet Muhammad: khiarukum fil jahiliyyah khiarukum fil Islam which means - those who proved competent in leadership during the days of jahiliyyah or ignorance they proved equally competent in leadership when they had joined the rank of Islam.

The proposed party will use standard parameters to evaluate the performances of the leadership and their ability to turn the party into a mass organization and effectively run a modern democratic state. Such parameters shall also be used to ascertain the intellectual capacity of the leadership in the context of the changed global environment. While developing such parameters, due consideration shall be given to such factors as professional skill, educational background, intellectual capacity, moral and ethical moorings and more importantly behavioral pattern etc. etc. The new party will also use parameters to make sure that leadership upholds high standard of financial integrity and maintains transparency in all fairness in fund management and monetary transactions. The leadership should also be required to make it certain that their living expenses and increase in wealth and all types of resources should commensurate with the known sources of earnings.

Past experience shows that concentration of power and responsibility without accountability in few hands make such persons over influential and sometimes quite despotic as the saying goes power makes a man corrupt and absolute power makes a man absolutely corrupt. Power intoxicates best hearts as the wine intoxicates the strongest heads. No man is wise enough or good enough to be trusted with unlimited power. Such concentration of power and responsibility is a bar on the development of collective leadership of participatory nature. By delegating power only in few hands the leadership at the apex in fact creates a situation in which the prospect of producing a galaxy of leaders, who can handle critical situation, might diminish. The leadership qualities never can be developed unless workload and responsibility are delegated. It is evident from the actual situation within the country’s Islamist organization that the so-called trustworthy leaders at the zenith of the party, who consider themselves the only capable persons and indispensable have in fact developed a sort of bureaucratic mindset. They believe that without them the organization will not be able to sustain and they, in fact, have monopolized power by turning them into a vested group to protect their interests. Some people believe that these few leaders at the top have aggrandized power and position overlooking the greater community interest.

The proposed party should not allow a person to hold more than one position at a time as was advised by some people in some occasions in July 1996 and April 1998 and now by Muhammad Kamaruzzaman. It needs to be realized that human capacity is limited and at one point it gets saturated. Moreover those who are overburdened with too many jobs may not concentrate on any work or go into details of any issue. Thus the work suffers.

Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him) during his life time sent Muadh b. Jabal (may God be pleased with him) as Governor to Yemen. On being asked by the Prophet as to how he will govern, Muadh b. Jabal replied that he will govern according to the Quran and will refer to sunnah if clear instruction is not available in the Quran and then will exercise his individual judgment if an explicit injunction is neither available in the Quran nor in the sunnah. History bears the testimony that Prophet Muhammad endorsed the governing principle and procedure of Muadh b. Jabal. Prophet even authorized Amr b. al-As (may God be pleased with him) to adjudicate in some disputes in his presence [Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, Islamic Texts Society, Cambridge, 1991, p 383]. From this, analysts conclude that ijtihad or intellectual exercise is allowed in Islam and ijhitad is the sunnah of the Prophet. But what escaped the attention of many scholars and leaders of Islamic call and guidance is that Prophet Muhammad during his life time had delegated powers to Muadh b. Jabal and Amr b. al-As [This view is also shared by Dr. Anas S. Al Shaikh Ali, Academic Advisor, I.I.I.T, London, U.K].

This delegation is the pivotal precept of Islam and democracy. Unless you delegate, you really suffocate. Nothing can flourish in a suffocating and regimented environment. The new party must practice the system of delegating power and responsibility and the leadership at the apex will only give guidance and monitor developments. Everything, except confidential matters, should be delegated. Delegation is the opposite of imposing decision. It means power through people and not over the people. Delegation is the negation of manipulation. It is motivation through participation. Authority must be delegated at all tires of the proposed party so that decisions may be taken by way of participation at every level.

Muhammad Kamaruzzaman has also advised to form Shadow Cabinet. In fact Shadow Cabinet to monitor governance and Think Tank to formulate policies must be inseparable part of the proposed party. The new party, at the time of launching, should announce a Shadow Cabinet of 100 ministers. Each minister will be assisted by a Think Tank that would include three professionals in addition to ten researchers in respective fields. Each Think Tank professional members will also be members of the central consultative committee, and one, from amongst them, by rotation will represent the group to the central executive committee. Professional members should have the rights and privilege that if anyone of them requests the leadership at the apex to call a meeting of the central consultative committee and central executive committee; they shall be bound to call such a meeting. However such professional members may or may not have voting rights. Along with the 100 Think Tanks, an Advisory Council or Guardian Council or Council of Elders may be set up. Yet another Council of Eminent Ulama or religious scholars, as advised by Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, may also be constituted [The idea of formation of Shadow Cabinet of hundred ministers each of whom will head a Think Tank is also shared by Dr. Ahmad Totonji. See Shah Abdul Halim, Totonji on the Backwardness of the Muslim Ummah. www.shahfoundationbd.org].

In keeping with the democratic tradition, the proposed party should always arrive at a decision by a vote of majority and those who disagree with the decision of the majority will have the right to record the note of dissent. Recording the note of dissent must be practiced in the new party as a binding principle. That is the only way to break the hands of the conspirators, coteries and reactionary forces that sometimes try to impose undesirable decision in the name of collective decision. Now that in the new party everyone can record their views because of the binding principle of recording the note of dissent, the conspirators and coteries will be fearful of being exposed and they will be much careful not to impose any undesirable opinion. There is no point of giving unnecessary concession in the name of consensus decision.

Moreover the new party will have to adopt such a constitution that will allow its leaders to hold and express divergent views publicly as is practiced by the political parties in the United States. Expressing constructive and positive views contrary to the declared and established party policies openly, even in front of media, will not be in anyway considered a revolt against the party, its leadership or its policies. Those leaders who will be able to win the confidence of the majority party members will be at the helm of affairs. There is no point of demanding the repeal of article 70 of Bangladesh Constitution to enable a member of the parliament to cross floor and express opinion against the very party to which s/he belongs when such freedom is not allowed within the political parties.

The proposed party not only should make room for non-Muslims becoming its members but at the same time reiterate in clear terms that it is committed to make such constitutional arrangements that will remove obstacles of non-Muslim becoming the head of the state. This will be in keeping with the political system envisaged by the Islamist political scientists of modern time. The plural and democratic nature of Islamist political order also becomes clear if someone looks at the constitutional proposals of the Muslim Brotherhood, the premier Islamist movement of the world. In 1952 Brotherhood drafted an Islamic Constitution for Egypt consisting of 103 articles.

The draft constitution puts forth the notion of a civil state based on citizenship and loyalty to the state. Muslim Brotherhood puts forward the idea of one state embracing Muslims and non-Muslims under the umbrella of loyalty to the nation (article - 88). The draft constitution reiterates that people are born free, equal in dignity, rights and liberties without any discrimination based on origin, language, religion or color (article - 77). The word used in this article is people, an inclusive neutral word in the Islamic heritage, which negates any kind of discrimination based on sex or religion. Each individual has the right to live freely, enjoying equality, security and safety (article - 78). The draft did not determine religion when recording rights. It used the word individual.

The Islamic Constitution drafted by the Brotherhood disregarded one’s religion being the prerequisite of becoming the head of the state. Article – 4 stipulates that only an Egyptian can be a member of the parliament and parliamentary membership is not restricted to any particular religion or cult and article – 25 states that head of the state can be any person who meets all the conditions required for the Member of Parliament and all these disregard origin, language and religion which is compatible with the aforementioned article - 77 of the constitution. [The Legal Concept of an Islamic State According to the MB, Ikhwanweb – Cairo, Egypt, Monday, May 08, 2006. Also see Shah Abdul Halim, The Concept of Ummah and Pluralist Bangladesh. www.shahfoundationbd.org].

The proposed party must affirm in the most unambiguous language that it believes in absolute religious freedom. The Quran states: There is no compulsion in religion [Al Quran 2: 256]. As regards apostasy, which has created a great deal of controversy and misunderstanding among the freedom loving people, the new party must make clear its position in the light of the injunction of the Quran: Those who believe, then disbelieve, then believe again, then disbelieve and then increase in their disbelief – God will never forgive them nor guide them to the path [Al Quran 4: 137]. Commenting on the verse Mohammad Hashim Kamali pointed out: “The implication is unmistakable. The text would hardly entertain the prospect of repeated belief and disbelief if death were to be the prescribed punishment for the initial act” [Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Freedom of Expression in Islam, Chapter IX. - Freedom of Religion (Al-Hurriyyah al-Diniyyah), Ilmiah Publishers, Kuala Lumpur, 1998, pp 97-98]. In fact there is not a single instance that Prophet Muhammad did treat apostasy as a prescribed offence under hudd (plural hudud) or capital punishment only for leaving Islam. Prophet never put anyone to death for apostasy alone rather he let such person go unpunished. No one was sentenced to death solely for renunciation of faith unless accompanied by hostility and treason or was linked to an act of political betrayal of the community. As a matter of fact the Quran is completely silent on the question of death as a punishment for apostasy. Apostasy does not qualify for temporal punishment. The most pertinent question is: If God has granted us the merit of freedom, he who wants to believe is allowed that right and so too the one who wants to disbelieve. How can it be imagined by a rational person that God, Who has compelled none to believe, allows us the right to compel others and force them to believe [See Shah Abdul Halim, Islam & Pluralism, www.shahfoundationbd.org].

The new party should make a call for suspension of hudd or capital punishment in such areas as adultery as long as the door of obscenity - similar to brothels, bars, offensive movies, obscene printed books and pornography - remains open; and the government cannot ensure marriage at appropriate age. Eminent Islamic scholar and Dean of the Faculty of Shariah, Qatar University Prof. Dr. Yusuf Al Qaradawi opined that before implementing hudd or capital punishment as punishment of adultery, we have to establish an ideal Islamic society and close the door of obscenity [Prof. Dr. Yusuf Al Qaradawi, Shariatul Islam Khuluduha Wa Salahuha Lit-tatbiki Fi Kulli Jamanin Wa Makan, Bengali tr. Islami Shariater Bastobayan, Oddhai- Bartaman Juga Islami Shariat Bastobayaner Purba Sharta, Khairun Prokashani, Dhaka, 2003, pp 174-179]. Only recently Prof. Dr. Tariq Ramadhan, a distinguished educator of Philosophy at the University of Fribourg, Switzerland and an eminent Arab Islamic scholar, has given a clarion call for the suspension of hudd or capital punishment for the time being, till all relevant issues have been examined by the scholars. Such suspension will be in line with the suspension of the amputation of hands of the thief by Caliph Omar (may God be pleased with him) in a famine condition when people are without food and they resort to stealing [Shah Abdul Halim, Intent of the Islamic Law, www.shahfoundationbd.org].

The Islamists in Bangladesh failed to make any substantial headway in the political front during the last 64 years [1947-2011] as they largely ignored the cultural arena that deserve utmost attention. It is essential to put utmost emphasis to cultural activism to make breakthrough in the political front. In fact cultural activism deserves more emphasis than political work as the past experience has proved beyond doubt that concentrating more on political work ignoring or giving less emphasis on cultural work has failed to generate the desired political dividend.

The Islamists failed to cultivate those aspects of the local and folk culture, even finer thread of classical music and mystic songs, which does not stand in clash with our beliefs, values, ethics and norms. They have also ignored local heroes, charming natural beauty of Bangladesh; and local cultural symbols are also missing in their cultural projections. Cultural movement is the lifeline of any movement committed to bring in social reforms and renaissance. Therefore a very comprehensive cultural policy needs to be formulated and action program drawn.

Further it needs to be realized that religion is ever present in our real life and existence, culture and thought. People here are basically liberal, broadminded and moderate and opposed to constriction, bigotry, and fanaticism. People are religious but at the same time against all types of overindulgence and severity. We have to construct our political philosophy by assimilating all these elements of our mores, history and culture, customs and traditions.

The proposed party shall not work to establish a theological state but still then maintain deep links with norms and ethics of Islam and core components of Muslim identity. It is largely believed that only an identity consciousness, educated and intellectually empowered community can bring change in the society. People associated with the proposed party will be encouraged to read contemporary Islamic literature of the eminent scholars, not plagiarized books or fifty years old books which has no relevance to modern day society and its problems, particularly when modern day scholars have reached newer conclusions through ijtihad i.e. intellectual exercise on old and newly emerging issues. There is no reason and justification to repeat old arguments. Reading only one set of literature will result in a narrow tunnel-vision and will take the new generation nowhere.

Bangladesh is passing through the most critical period in its history. The proposed party therefore must formulate its policy keeping in view the geopolitical and strategic compulsions and erect invincible wall to protect the national interest standing on the hard rock and not on the quicksand. The proposed party must be pragmatic, open to all yet conscious of its goal. It is suggested that a rational, moderate and people oriented socio-cultural and political program be formulated which is suitable to the genius of the people of Bangladesh.

Last but not the least, the proposed political party, true to the democratic culture and tradition, will maintain harmonious relations with every other political organization. But it will not, in any away, subordinate itself to any other political organization or leader however sagacious seemingly they might appear to be. The new party will not maintain extra territorial or secret link with any other political organization or leader who may tend to control it or influence its functioning. It will strictly follow its own constitution and single-handedly try to accomplish its own policies and objectives. The new party will never take position on political issues in opposition to the dreams, wishes and aspirations of the overwhelming majority people. But the million dollar question is: who and where are those young political leaders born after 1971 who will make a call for the formation of such a party to bring an end to the current impasse of the Islamists in Bangladesh and usher in an era of a bright prosperous future.

References:

[1] Diaa Rashwan, Political Islamists Movements: The Case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in Islam and Politics: Renewal and Resistance in the Muslim World, Stimson Regional Voices, Henry L. Stimson Center Washington, 2009.

[2] Abid Ullah Jan, Moderate Islam: A Product of American Extremism, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, jointly published by Association of Muslim Social Scientists and International Institute of Islamic Thought, Herndon, V.A., U. S. A., Vol. 22, No. 3, Summer 2005.

[3] Sheikh Rachid Ghannouchi, The Participation of Islamists in Non-Islamic Government in Azzam Tamimi ed. Power-Sharing Islam, Liberty for Muslims World Publications, London, U. K., 1993.

[4] Prof. Dr. Yusuf al Qaradawi, Islamic Awakening between Rejection and Extremism, I. I. I. T., Virginia, U. S. A., 1991.

[5] Prof. Dr. Yusuf Al Qaradawi, Shariatul Islam Khuluduha Wa Salahuha Lit-tatbiki Fi Kulli Jamanin Wa Makan, Bengali tr. Islami Shariater Bastobayan, Oddhai- Bartaman Juga Islami Shariat Bastobayaner Purba Sharta, Khairun Prokashani, Dhaka.

[6] Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Freedom of Expression in Islam, Ilmiah Publishers Sdn Bhd, Kuala Lumpur, 1998.

[7] Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, Islamic Texts Society, Cambridge, 1991.

[8] Sheikh Adil Salahi, Our Dialogue, The Daily Arab News, Saudi Arabia.

[9] Abdul Halim Abu Shuqqah, Rasuler Juge Nari Shadhinata (Bengali tr. of Tahrirul Mar’ah Fi Asrir Risalah), Vol. IV, Bangladesh Institute of Islamic Thought (BIIT), Dhaka, 2006.

[10] Dr. Anas S. Al Shaikh Ali, Academic Advisor, I.I.I.T., London, U. K.

11] Weekly Budhbar, 7 October 2009.

[12] Daily Kalerkantho, 28 February 2011.

[13] Shah Abdul Halim, Concept of Sovereignty and Other Issues, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[14] Shah Abdul Halim, Can Woman Become Head of the State or Government, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[15] Shah Abdul Halim, Totonji on the Backwardness of the Muslim Ummah, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[16] Shah Abdul Halim, Islam and Democracy: How Far Compatible? www.shah foundationbd.org

[17] Shah Abdul Halim, Islamic Movement: An Overview, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[18] Shah Abdul Halim, Woman: Chastisement & Other Issues, www.shah foundationbd.org

[19] Shah Abdul Halim, Islam: Women and Society, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[20] Shah Abdul Halim, Muslim Society: Reasons for Backwardness, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[21] Shah Abdul Halim, Power Sharing in Islam, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[22] Shah Abdul Halim, The Concept of Ummah and Pluralist Bangladesh, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[23] Shah Abdul Halim, Islam & Pluralism, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[24] Shah Abdul halim, Intent of the Islamic Law, www.shahfoundationbd.org

[25] Shah Abdul Halim, Khimar to Cover Bosom, 22 May 2008, Unpublished Work.

Written by : Shah Abdul Halim 

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